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21 Dec 2008 03:30 pm
Person Of The Year
I don't begrudge Time magazine for their obvious choice. But given the great progress we've made this year in flushing out and facing what happened in the past seven years with respect to prisoner abuse and torture as policy, I'd like to nominate someone else. You can see the gradual exposure of presidential war crimes as a permanent blot on the United States. But it remains equally true that this blot was first exposed by people within the military, the CIA and the FBI, who refused to sanction the orders of president Bush on down. I prefer to see the exposure of this evil as a result of patriotic Americans serving their country, resisting and finally ending the immoral and ineffective policies of their commanders.
Ian Fishback was one of the very first, with a great deal to lose. He is a loyal soldier, still in active service, in Iraq and Afghanistan. He is worth recalling not just because he stood up to abuse in Iraq, but because his letter to Senator McCain, after desperately and endlessly trying to get his concerns taken seriously by a Pentagon command under orders to retain the abuse, is an historic document. Here it is, as moving and as vital as the day it was written, September 16, 2005:
Dear Senator McCain:
I am a graduate of West Point currently
serving as a Captain in the U.S. Army Infantry. I have served two
combat tours with the 82nd Airborne Division, one each in Afghanistan
and Iraq. While I served in the Global War on Terror, the actions and
statements of my leadership led me to believe that United States policy
did not require application of the Geneva Conventions in Afghanistan or
Iraq. On 7 May 2004, Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld's
testimony that the
United States followed the Geneva Conventions in Iraq and the "spirit"
of the Geneva Conventions in Afghanistan prompted me to begin an
approach for clarification. For 17 months, I tried to determine what
specific standards governed the treatment of detainees by consulting my
chain of command through battalion commander, multiple JAG lawyers,
multiple Democrat and Republican Congressmen and their aides, the Ft.
Bragg Inspector General's office, multiple government reports, the
Secretary of the Army and multiple general officers, a professional
interrogator at Guantanamo Bay, the deputy head of the department at
West Point responsible for teaching Just War Theory and Law of Land
Warfare, and numerous peers who I regard as honorable and intelligent
men.
Instead of resolving my concerns, the approach for
clarification process leaves me deeply troubled. Despite my efforts, I
have been unable to get clear, consistent answers from my leadership
about what constitutes lawful and humane treatment of detainees. I am
certain that this confusion contributed to a wide range of abuses
including death threats, beatings, broken bones, murder, exposure to
elements, extreme forced physical exertion, hostage-taking, stripping,
sleep deprivation and degrading treatment. I and troops under my
command witnessed some of these abuses in both Afghanistan and Iraq.
This
is a tragedy. I can remember, as a cadet at West Point, resolving to
ensure that my men would never commit a dishonorable act; that I would
protect them from that type of burden. It absolutely breaks my heart
that I have failed some of them in this regard.
That is in the past and there is nothing we can do about it now.
But, we can learn from our mistakes and ensure that this does not
happen again. Take a major step in that direction; eliminate the
confusion. My approach for clarification provides clear evidence that
confusion over standards was a major contributor to the prisoner abuse.
We owe our soldiers better than this. Give them a clear standard that
is in accordance with the bedrock principles of our nation.
Some
do not see the need for this work. Some argue that since our actions
are not as horrifying as Al Qaeda's, we should not be concerned. When
did Al Qaeda become any type of standard by which we measure the
morality of the United States? We are America, and our actions should
be held to a higher standard, the ideals expressed in documents such as
the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
Others
argue that clear standards will limit the President's ability to wage
the War on Terror. Since clear standards only limit interrogation
techniques, it is reasonable for me to assume that supporters of this
argument desire to use coercion to acquire information from detainees.
This is morally inconsistent with the Constitution and justice in war.
It is unacceptable.
Both of these arguments stem from the larger
question, the most important question that this generation will answer.
Do we sacrifice our ideals in order to preserve security? Terrorism
inspires fear and suppresses ideals like freedom and individual rights.
Overcoming the fear posed by terrorist threats is a tremendous test of
our courage. Will we confront danger and adversity in order to preserve
our ideals, or will our courage and commitment to individual rights
wither at the prospect of sacrifice? My response is simple. If we
abandon our ideals in the face of adversity and aggression, then those
ideals were never really in our possession. I would rather die fighting
than give up even the smallest part of the idea that is "America."
Once
again, I strongly urge you to do justice to your men and women in
uniform. Give them clear standards of conduct that reflect the ideals
they risk their lives for.
With the Utmost Respect,
-- Capt. Ian Fishback
1st Battalion,
504th Parachute Infantry Regiment,
82nd Airborne Division,
Fort Bragg, North Carolina
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